The Reluctant Giant: Why Germany Shuns Its Global Role

An Essay by Ullrich Fichtner

German industry is admired the world over. But Germans themselves collectively...

Today, 68 years after the end of the war and 24 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, we Germans are respected, admired and sometimes even loved. The fact that we generally don’t know what to do with all this admiration, because we collectively still seem to assume that we are not likeable and therefore must be unpopular, is a problem that very quickly becomes political. It’s obvious that Germans’ perception of themselves and the way we are perceived by others differ dramatically.

Even if some would not consider a travel guide to be the most credible basis for political reflections, it’s easy to find other sources of praise for Germany and the Germans. The BBC conducts an annual poll to name the “most popular country in the world.” Germany came in a clear first in the latest poll, and it wasn’t the first time. Some 59 percent of 26,000 respondents in 25 countries said that the Germans exert a “positive influence” in the world (and not surprisingly, the only country in which the view of Germany is overwhelmingly negative at the moment is Greece).

In the “Nation Brands Index” prepared by the American market research company GfK, which surveys more than 20,000 people in 20 countries about the image of various nations, Germany is currently in second place, behind the United States. This index is not some idle exercise, but is used as a decision-making tool by corporate strategists and other investors. GfK asks questions in six categories, including the quality of the administration and the condition of the export economy, and Germany is at the top of each category. But when Germans do acknowledge their current standing in the world, they always seem to be somewhat coy or even amused.

The rest of the world doesn’t understand this (anymore). The rest of the world is waiting for Germany. But instead of feeling pleased about Polish Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski’s historic statement that he fears Germany’s power less than its inactivity, we cringe anxiously over such sentiments. When US President Barack Obama calls Germany a leading global power, we hope that he doesn’t really mean it. And when politicians in Israel say that Germany should wield its power more actively, we don’t interpret it as a mandate to become more committed, but are puzzled instead.

We Germans? Exercise power? Take action? Lead?

A ‘Europeanized’ Germany

The German Society for International Cooperation (GIZ), Germany’s government-run aid organization operating in 130 countries, made a concerted effort in 2012 to question decision-makers around the world about their views on Germany. Instead of quickly flipping through a list of questions, the GIZ conducted real, in-depth conversations with participants, and essentially arrived at two conclusions: Germany’s reputation in the world is sky-high, yet Germany is considered anything from spineless to completely incapable when it comes to investing this “soft” capital in an effective way for the benefit of everyone.

The positive image we enjoy worldwide is fed by a large number of widely dispersed sources, but it’s obvious that Germany’s accounting for its Nazi past, its clear acknowledgement of historic culpability and its development of a model democracy in the West laid the foundation for the Germans to be given a new chance in the 20th century.

But it is also clear that Germany’s reputation has received its biggest boost since the fall of the Berlin Wall and German reunification. Since then, the Germans have managed to demonstrate repeatedly that they are capable of producing economic miracles, which is precisely what reunification and the development of the former East Germany are. At the same time, Germany was able to dispel widely held fears of the return of a gloating major power in the middle of Europe. To everyone’s relief, especially that of our European neighbors, Germany has kept its feet on the ground, only waving its black, red and gold flag during football matches.

Perhaps the European financial crisis — and the key role Germany is playing in the effort to overcome it — has rekindled unease among our neighbors at the moment. But even if there is disagreement over the right way out of the crisis, and even if the German government has often proved to be too intransigent, no European in his right mind fears that Germany is pursuing some sort of secret plan to dominate the continent once again. Instead, Germany has “Europeanized” itself, both intentionally and credibly. But now it’s time to share Germany’s rich experiences along the winding paths of the 20th century with the rest of the world. Click link for full article.

http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/germany-shies-from-taking-active-global-role-a-919261.html

” The Doom” By A.Q. Khan

(Shared By Mirza Ashraf)

Pakistan has existed for about 66 years and much has been written about the purpose behind its creation and the sacrifices the Muslims of the Subcontinent made for it. Pondering over the reasons for Pakistan’s creation and the goals that the Quaid-e-Azam had in mind, I could not help turning to the result of that effort and the Pakistan of today.
Let me start off by quoting how Lord Macaulay saw the Subcontinent and described it in the British parliament on February 2, 1835: “I have travelled across the length and breadth of India and I have not seen one person who is a beggar, who is a thief; such wealth I have seen in this country, such high moral values, people of such calibre, that I do not think we would ever conquer this country unless we break the very backbone of this nation, which is her spiritual and cultural heritage and, therefore, I propose that we replace her old and ancient education system, her culture; for if the Indians think that all that is foreign and English is good and greater than their own, they will lose their self-esteem, the native culture, and they will become what we want them, a truly dominated nation”.
This was the situation in the Subcontinent at that time. After 1857, things drastically changed; Muslims became the oppressed community and the Hindus became the darlings of the British. The British followed the advice of Lord Macaulay in letter and in spirit. With Sir Syed’s efforts and hard work, and under the guidance of Allama Iqbal and Quaid-e-Azam, we did manage to get a homeland of our own. Hopes for its future were very high at the time and our forefathers often mentioned the golden principles that lay at its foundation. Unfortunately now, after 66 years, we are forced to come to the conclusion that it is a dream gone sour.
I would like to quote Sir Winston Churchill, who was against granting independence to the Subcontinent so soon. He said: “Power will go to the hands of the rascals, rogues, freebooters; all Indian leaders will be of low calibre and men of straw. They will have sweet tongues and silly hearts. They will fight amongst themselves for power and India will be lost in political squabbles. A day would come when even air and water would be taxed in India”.
Churchill was a great leader, a great Brit, a great patriot and he had great intuition. He could see what would happen fifty years ahead. How right he was, especially concerning Pakistani leaders!
The following is a quote from Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, a genius, a great religious scholar and later India’s education minister. The interview was given to Shorish Kashmiri in April 1946. It was spread over a period of two weeks and is so pertinent that I would like to share it in total at some later date. Azad said: “We must remember that an entity conceived in hatred will last only as long as that hatred lasts. This hatred will overwhelm the relation between India and Pakistan. In this situation, it will not be possible for India and Pakistan to become friends and live amicably.
“Indian Muslims will have three options: 1) they become victims of loot and brutalities and migrate to Pakistan; 2) they become subject to murder and excesses and a substantial number of Muslims will pass through this ordeal; and 3) a good number of Muslims, haunted by poverty, political wilderness and regional degradation decide to renounce Islam.
“Pakistan will be afflicted by many serious problems. The greatest danger will come from international powers who will seek to control the new country and, with the passage of time, this control will become tight. I believe that it will not be possible for East Pakistan to stay with West Pakistan for any considerable period of time. There is nothing common between the two regions except that they call themselves Muslims. The environment of Bengal is such that it disfavours leadership from outside and rises in revolt when it senses danger to its rights and interests. After the separation of East Pakistan, whenever that happens, West Pakistan will become the battleground of regional contradictions and disputes.
The assertion of subnational identities of Punjab, Sindh, Frontier and Balochistan will open the doors for outside interference. I feel that, right from its inception, Pakistan will face some very serious problems viz 1) incompetent leadership will pave the way for military dictatorship, as has happened in many Muslim countries; 2) the heavy burden of foreign debt; 3) absence of friendly relations with neighbours and the possibility of armed conflict; 4) internal unrest and regional conflicts; 5) the loot of national wealth by the new-rich and industrialists of Pakistan; 6) the apprehension of class war as a result of exploitation by the new-rich; 7) the dissatisfaction and alienation of the youth from religion and the collapse of the theory of Pakistan; 8) the conspiracies of the international powers to control Pakistan; and 9) in this situation, the stability of Pakistan will be under strain and Muslim countries will be in no position to provide any worthwhile help. Assistance from other sources will not come without strings and it will force both ideological and territorial compromises”.
This interview was conducted in Urdu, translated into English by former Indian Cabinet Minister Arif Mohammad Khan and published in the magazine ‘Covert’. In another interview he warned migrating Muslims that in Pakistan it would be their heads and only the shoes would change.
Briefly, these were the apprehensions (and forecasts) that Maulana Azad had about the future of Pakistan. Look around and see if he was wrong! He had the interests of the Muslims of India at heart. He knew that India would be divided and that the Muslims would suffer heavily. And without any fear or ambiguity, he put the blame of Partition on the Congress.
Prof Dr Schuemann in a lecture on Asian Politics delivered at Brooklyn, New York on June 3, 1949. He said: “The state of Pakistan, which recently came into being in South East Asia, is a state manifest with enormous pitfalls unique to itself. Its existence is vulnerable, as time will show…in less than half a century the state will collapse because of its people who are born with the chains of slavery, whose thoughts cannot see love of a free country and whose minds cannot function beyond the scope of personal selfish ends, mark my words. I know their insides”.
If we don’t learn from these forecasts and put our house in order, we are doomed. As a matter of fact, unfortunately the future of Pakistan looks very bleak.

Overcoming Historical Amnesia: Muslim Contributions to Civilization submitted by Tahir Mahmood

In his recent article, Sam Harris, a popular critic of Islam, referred to Malala Yousafzai, the Pakistani education activist, as “the best thing to come out of the Muslim world in 1,000 years.” Hidden in this comment is the idea that Malala’s fellow Muslims are backward and that her religion, Islam, is not conducive to change or progress.

Conversely to the beliefs of Harris and others like him, Muslims have actually made enormous contributions to civilization, perhaps due to the heavy emphasis that Islam places on knowledge. People who forget or blatantly ignore major trends or events in world history can be said to suffer from “historical amnesia.” Though this mindset cannot be cured in one short blog post, I hope to dispel some of the stereotypes and misperceptions exacerbated by Harris and other anti-Islam activists by highlighting the contributions that Muslims have made to civilization over the years.

For the rest of the article click the link below:

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/craig-considine/overcoming-historical-amnesia_b_4135868.html?utm_hp_ref=tw

Thomas Jefferson’s Quran: How Islam Shaped the Founders submitted by Tahir Mahmood

What role did Islam have in shaping the Founders’ views on religion? A new book argues that to understand the debate over church and state, we need to look to their views on Muslims, writes R.B. Bernstein.

  • One of the nastiest aspects of modern culture wars is the controversy raging over the place of Islam and Muslims in Western society. Too many Americans say things about Islam and Muslims that would horrify and offend them if they heard such things said about Christianity or Judaism, Christians or Jews. Unfortunately, those people won’t open Denise A. Spellberg’s Thomas Jefferson’s Qur’an: Islam and the Founders. This enlightening book might cause them to rethink what they’re saying.

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Photo Illustration by The Daily Beast

Thomas Jefferson’s Qur’an examines the intersection during the nation’s founding era of two contentious themes in the culture wars—the relationship of Islam to America, and the proper relationship between church and state. The story that it tells ought to be familiar to most Americans, and is familiar to historians of the nation’s founding. And yet, by using Islam as her book’s touchstone, Spellberg brings illuminating freshness to an oft-told tale.

Spellberg, associate professor of history and Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Texas at Austin, seeks to understand the role of Islam in the American struggle to protect religious liberty. She asks how Muslims and their religion fit into eighteenth-century Americans’ models of religious freedom. While conceding that many Americans in that era viewed Islam with suspicion, classifying Muslims as dangerous and unworthy of inclusion within the American experiment, she also shows that such leading figures as Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and George Washington spurned exclusionary arguments, arguing that America should be open to Muslim citizens, office-holders, and even presidents. Spellberg’s point is that, contrary to those today who would dismiss Islam and Muslims as essentially and irretrievably alien to the American experiment and its religious mix, key figures in the era of the nation’s founding argued that that American church-state calculus both could and should make room for Islam and for believing Muslims.

As Spellberg argues with compelling force, the conventional understanding of defining religion’s role in the nation’s public life has at its core a sharp divide between acceptable beliefs (members of most Protestant Christian denominations) and the unacceptable “other.” Many Protestant Americans, for example, disdained the Roman Catholic Church because of their memories of the bitter religious wars of the Protestant Reformation. Further, Pennsylvania’s constitution and laws allowed voting, sitting on juries, and holding office only to those who professed a belief in the divine inspiration of the Old and New Testaments.

By contrast, Thomas Jefferson, a central figure in Spellberg’s book, had a strong, lifelong commitment to religious liberty. Jefferson rejected toleration, the alternative perspective and one embraced by John Locke and John Adams, as grounded on the idea that a religious majority has a right to impose its will on a religious minority, but chooses to be tolerant for reasons of benevolence. Religious liberty, Jefferson argued, denies the majority any right to coerce a dissenting minority, even one hostile to religion. Jefferson rejected using government power to coerce religious belief and practice because it would create a nation of tyrants and hypocrites, as it is impossible to force someone to believe against the promptings of his conscience. Jefferson embraced religious liberty and separation of church and state to protect the individual human mind and the secular political realm from the corrupting alliance of church and state. His political ally James Madison, echoing Roger Williams, the seventeenth-century Baptist religious leader and founder of Rhode Island, added that separation of church and state also would protect the garden of the church from a corrupting alliance with the wilderness of the secular world.

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Thomas Jefferson’s Qur’an: Islam and the Founders. By Denise A. Spellberg 416 pages. Knopf. $27.95.

Ranged against separation was a view of church-state relations teaching that government could accommodate religion and need not be neutral between the cause of religion in general and that of irreligion or atheism. Adherents of this view included Samuel Adams, Roger Sherman, and Patrick Henry. The ongoing struggle between these two points of view has shaped and continues to shape American religious history and the law of church and state under the U.S. Constitution.

Spellberg adds to this familiar story well a valuable and unfamiliar twist, introducing Islam as a focal-point of American thought and argument. Were Muslims to be excluded from America? Was Islam antithetical to American ideas of religious freedom and openness of citizenship?

Spellberg begins her answers to these questions by analyzing Europeans’ and Americans’ negative and positive images of Islam between the mid-sixteenth century and the eighteenth century. For example, the French jurist and philosophe Charles Louis Secondat, baron de Montesquieu, made Muslim diplomats the viewpoint characters of his pathbreaking satirical novel The Persian Letters, which presented European laws, institutions, manners, and morals from an “outsider” Muslim perspective. Yet many Europeans and Americans, seeing Muslims as perennial adversaries of Christianity from the Crusades, insisted that Muslims had no claim to religious liberty because of their supposed hostility to the idea of liberty.Turning from a general overview to focus on Jefferson, Spellberg devotes the core of her book to examining his seemingly antithetical views with regard to Islam and its believers. Though Jefferson was a harsh critic of Islam as a religion (as he was of all Abrahamic religions) and of the hostage-taking and ransom-seeking practices of Muslim states in the Mediterranean (the “Barbary Pirates,” against whom he unsuccessfully tried to organize a Euro-American naval alliance), he also was a staunch advocate of religious freedom even for those falling outside the conventional spectrum of Protestant Christian believers, including Catholics, Jews,and Muslims. Jefferson’s views differed from those of his friend and diplomatic colleague John Adams, who dismissed Jefferson’s quest for an alliance against the Barbary states as unrealistic and who rejected the inclusion of Muslims within an evolving American definition of religious freedom.

Probably more Americans distrusted Islam and Muslims than made room for them in the American experiment.

Jefferson and Adams were far from the only Americans who differed about Islam and the status of believing Muslims in America. As Spellberg points out, during the ratification controversy of 1787-1788, the proposed U.S. Constitution’s ban on religious tests for holding federal office (Article VI, clause 1) became a lightning-rod of criticism, with opponents of the Constitution charging that that ban would enable “a Jew, Turk, or infidel” to become president. Nor did these political controversies rage only among those conventionally identified as leading “founding fathers.” A key leader of the Baptist denomination, John Leland, not only backed Jefferson’s and Madison’s campaign against religious establishments in Virginia and on the national stage, but also sided with them on the question of Muslims becoming part of the American experiment. Recognizing that the Baptists faced discrimination and denunciation from more established sects of Protestant Christianity, and taking that experience to heart, Leland opposed discrimination against those who were not part of that favored range of Protestant sects and denominations – including Muslims.

The story at the core of Spellberg’s book privileges her chosen focus on liberty and inclusion while downplaying her account of religious suspicion and bigotry during the American founding. Probably more Americans distrusted Islam and Muslims than made room for them in the American experiment. This paradox poses the sharp question whether we should give weight to a probable numerical majority or to an enlightened minority in assessing constitutional interpretation during the nation’s founding. Spellberg might have framed her book just as plausibly as a tale of conflicting political, constitutional, and religious visions – with the battle between them as pointed and bitter then as it is now.

Nonetheless, one of the most valuable aspects of Thomas Jefferson’s Qur’an is its compelling, formidably documented case that Americans divided on this question in the founding period, as they do today, and that the case for inclusion is far stronger, in substance and in the authority of those embracing it, than the case for exclusion. Stressing the need to remember the enlightened approach to who gets the benefit of the American experiment’s protections of religious liberty, Spellberg’s book is essential reading in these troubled times.