Never underestimate the power of anger of being dismissed as irrelevant. That is the grave mistake Democratic leadership, Biden, and Harris made and arrogantly dismissed Arab Americans as irrelevant and refused to give an inch on their genocidal Gaza policy. They thought Arab Americans, like Blacks and Latino, have no place else to go and in the end will come back home. In this election, Blacks and Latino voters also had enough for being taken for granted for decades, and started deserting Democratic party.
Democratic Leadership and Harris moved away from the winning coalition of minorities, championed by Obama, and instead cared for only one constituent-Israeli Lobby, at the expense of everyone else and every other cause-and spent our hard earned tax dollars to fund the genocide in Gaza. Democratic Leadership, Biden, and Harris brought this humiliating defeat upon themselves at the hands of most flawed and profane candidate-Donald Trump.
Unfortunately, it is not the end of Democratic Party’s problems, as there will be future elections, both at federal and local level, and many constituents who deserted Democratic Party, may never come back.
Excerpts from article; Donald Trump is returning to the White House, and while this will not change what most critics think of him, it should compel them to take a close look in the mirror. They lost this election as much as Mr. Trump won it.
This was no ordinary contest between two candidates from rival parties: The real choice before voters was between Mr. Trump and everyone else — not only the Democratic nominee, Kamala Harris, and her party, but also Republicans like Liz Cheney, top military officers like Gen. Mark Milley and Gen. John Kelly (also a former chief of staff), outspoken members of the intelligence community and Nobel Prize-winning economists.
Framed this way, the presidential contest became an example of what’s known in economics as “creative destruction.” His opponents certainly fear that Mr. Trump will destroy American democracy itself.
To his supporters, however, a vote for Mr. Trump meant a vote to evict a failed leadership class from power and recreate the nation’s institutions under a new set of standards that would better serve American citizens.
Mr. Trump’s victory amounts to a public vote of no confidence in the leaders and institutions that have shaped American life since the end of the Cold War 35 years ago. The names themselves are symbolic: In 2016 Mr. Trump ran against a Bush in the Republican primaries and a Clinton in the general election. This time, in a looser sense, he beat a coalition that included Liz Cheney and her father, former Vice President Dick Cheney.
An aerial view of the Great Pyramid of Giza (bottom), built by the pharaoh Khufu, showing its proximity to the Grand Egyptian Museum site (top). Credit: Amir Makar/AFP Via Getty
Fra Angelico, The bust of a cleric, c. 1447-50 (Photo: Royal Collection Enterprises Limited 2024 | Royal Collection Trust)
Why bother looking at drawings when paintings are so much bigger, more colourful, and, well, finished? If you’re on the side of the sceptics, a new exhibition at the King’s Gallery is your tonic, guaranteed to persuade you that drawings are so much more than workings-out that have escaped the wastepaper basket. With around 160 works on paper by more than 80 artists, including Leonardo da Vinci, Michelangelo, Raphael and the Carracci brothers, as well as less familiar names, this exhibition of works from the Royal Collection is the most expansive survey of Renaissance drawings to have been mounted in the UK.
Edited by Jennifer A. Thompson and Laurel Garber. 304 pp. incl. 240 col. ills. (Philadelphia Museum of Art, 2024), £45. ISBN 978–0–87633–304–4.
For art historians interested in understanding the contributions of women artists to twentieth-century art, this is a most welcome publication. It accompanies a travelling exhibition dedicated to the work of the Spanish artist Rosario de Velasco (1904–91), which opened at the Museo Nacional Thyssen-Bornemisza, Madrid.[1] Curated by Toya Viudes de Velasco, the artist’s great-niece, and Miguel Lusarreta, it follows the museum’s retrospective of the realist painter Isabel Quintanilla (1938–2017) and is part of wider efforts in museology to recover forgotten women artists.[2] Sometimes such ‘rescue’ missions tend towards overblown and superficial narratives of female artistheroes. Fortunately this is not the case with Rosario de Velasco.
Apart from rare examples like Keith Haring, graffiti artists just don’t get art world attention. Brazilian duo Osgemeos seem another exception to this rule. Their art comes out of 1980’s hip hop and comprises intricate drawings, paintings and sculptures. So, what allows them to straddle the street art / fine art divide? Their art is original but also “twee and repetitive”, prone to nostalgia for 1980’s-style graffiti. This writer found Osgemeos’ appeal came from elsewhere: “discernment is not the point: exuberance is.
I think that is the most important fact of politics right now. It has been the subject of many, many of our episodes this year. But it is interesting, I think, that the policy issues on which there once seemed so little room for compromise are now so much more open. From free trade to antitrust, from health care to outsourcing, from China to unions, there is suddenly a lot more overlap in at least the language of the two parties.
Not always a policy, but the language. And sometimes the overlap really is substantive. The Trump administration — it really was a break with the Obama administration on China. But the Biden administration was not a reversion to where Obama’s was. The Biden administration — it took what Donald Trump did on China, and it went a lot further.
What does that tell us? In his book “The Rise and Fall of the Neoliberal Order,” the historian Gary Gerstle introduced me to this concept of political orders, these structures of political consensus that stretch over decades. There were two across the 20th century: the New Deal order, which ran from the 1930s to the 1970s, and the neoliberal order, which stretched from the ’70s to the financial crisis. And I wonder if part of what is unsettling politics right now is a random moment between orders, a moment when you can just begin to see the hazy outline of something new taking shape and both parties are in internal upheavals as they try to remake themselves, to grasp at it and respond to it.
